Catholic Confessional State
Restore Europe supports formal constitutional recognition of Catholicism as the principal public religion, and rejects the claim that the state can be morally or religiously neutral.
Positions
This catalogue answers a narrow question: what does Restore Europe hold on this issue? It does not replace the manifesto. The manifesto sets out the worldview; this sets out searchable, topic-by-topic positions.
Where Catholic moral teaching is clear, Restore Europe generally adopts it as the moral baseline, and states civil-law implementation separately. One departure is recorded explicitly: on capital punishment Restore Europe takes the older traditional allowance for exceptional cases rather than the contemporary abolitionist position.
The catalogue distinguishes the constitutional order Restore Europe seeks from European law as it currently stands. Several positions — on nationality, on deprivation of citizenship, on speech, on the public standing of religion and on capital punishment — would require constitutional or treaty change before they could be enacted in particular European states. Where that is so, the entry says it.
Version 0.2 settles the questions version 0.1 had left open: the European institutional relationship, asylum, deportation, wages, taxation, pensions, housing, labour representation, digital identity and currency, biometric surveillance, genetic engineering, sentencing, the energy mix and every standing question of foreign policy. Where a v0.2 formulation revised an earlier entry, the newer text governs.
Every question in this catalogue carries a position. Entries marked Derived follow the direction of the manifesto without their implementation being fixed, and several name the legal or treaty change they would require. Positions are revised as the movement decides; the version and date above say which text you are reading.
19 of 89 positions match.
I
The place of religion in public life, and the moral questions law cannot avoid.
Restore Europe supports formal constitutional recognition of Catholicism as the principal public religion, and rejects the claim that the state can be morally or religiously neutral.
Restore Europe recognizes civil marriage as the union of one man and one woman, and centres family law on the natural family.
Restore Europe opposes artificial contraception and rejects a public culture that treats permanent avoidance of fertility as the normal foundation of sexual life, without criminalizing private adult possession.
II
The household as the first institution, and what public policy owes it.
The family formed around marriage is the fundamental social institution, and public policy should make marriage and child-rearing materially realistic.
Europe should answer demographic decline by making family formation viable for its own population rather than by permanent mass immigration.
Sunday should be restored as the common day of worship, family and rest, with ordinary commercial activity substantially restricted.
A safety net directed primarily at citizens, families and those genuinely unable to support themselves, expressing solidarity without becoming permanent avoidable dependency.
III
Membership of a political community, and the European order between nations.
Restore Europe supports fundamental reform of the European Union into a limited framework for cooperation among sovereign European nations, with most political powers returned to the member states.
IV
Ownership, enterprise, credit and the dignity of labour.
Property is a source of independence and responsibility. The answer to concentration is wider ownership, not the abolition of property.
Corporations are legitimate instruments but remain subordinate to the common good, and concentrated corporate power may be restrained.
Finance should serve productive activity. Legitimate lending and reasonable return are accepted; exploitative interest and debt traps are not.
Housing should principally serve habitation and community rather than function as an endlessly appreciating financial asset.
Work has dignity but is not the purpose of human existence. Economic progress should increase security, leisure and command over one's own life.
Every worker is entitled to a just wage sufficient for a dignified life and the reasonable support of a family.
Taxation is legitimate for the common good but should be fair, family-sensitive, non-confiscatory and compatible with broad ownership, productive work and subsidiarity.
A mixed pension system should combine basic old-age security with occupational provision, personal savings, family property and intergenerational responsibility.
Housing should principally serve habitation and community, with policy aimed at widespread family ownership rather than permanent financial extraction.
V
What may be built, what should be deployed, and what must remain within reach.
Technological development is not synonymous with human progress, and should be judged by its effects on autonomy, family, community and work.
VII
Authority, its limits, and the treatment of those who break the law.
Power should be exercised at the lowest competent level. Elections, representation and constitutional limits coexist with a rejection of philosophical liberalism.